Jump to content

Melisende, Queen of Jerusalem

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Melisende
Queen of Jerusalem
Reign1131–1153
PredecessorBaldwin II
SuccessorBaldwin III (as sole monarch)
Co-sovereign
Born1105
County of Edessa
Died11 September 1161 (aged 55–56)
Jerusalem
Burial
Shrine of Our Lady of Josaphat
SpouseFulk, King of Jerusalem
Issue
HouseHouse of Rethel
FatherBaldwin II of Jerusalem
MotherMorphia of Melitene
ReligionRoman Catholicism

Melisende (1105 – 11 September 1161) was Queen of Jerusalem from 1131 to 1153, and regent for her son between 1153 and 1161, while he was on campaign. She was the eldest daughter of King Baldwin II of Jerusalem and the Armenian princess Morphia of Melitene.

Early life

[edit]

Melisende was the eldest daughter of Baldwin of Bourcq, a Frankish crusader, and Morphia of Melitene, an Armenian noblewoman of Greek Orthodox faith.[1] Melisende's parents probably married in 1100 according to historian Bernard Hamilton;[1] Deborah Gerish places Melisende's birth around 1109.[2] Melisende and two of her sisters, Alice and Hodierna, were born while their father, also known as Baldwin II, was the count of Edessa. In 1118 Baldwin set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; he arrived to find that his cousin King Baldwin I had died and was proclaimed the new king of Jerusalem.[1] Melisende gained another sister, Ioveta, after her parents were crowned king and queen in 1119.[3]

The four crusader states of the Levant–the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Principality of Antioch, and the counties of Tripoli and Edessa–were created by Franks, the Latin Christians who successfully invaded the region and defeated its Muslim rulers in the First Crusade in 1099.[4] These states were in a near constant state of war, and men were responsible for the defense.[5] Baldwin II was the first Latin ruler of Jerusalem to have children; yet all four of his children were daughters, and no rules had yet developed in the crusader states regarding female succession.[6] The marriage of Melisende's parents was happy despite there being no male heir to the kingdom.[1]

Heir to the kingdom

[edit]

Queen Morphia died in 1126 or 1127. Since he no longer expected to have a son, King Baldwin started providing for his daughters and settling his succession.[6] Melisende, the oldest daughter, was to be his heir. Alice, the second oldest, was married to Prince Bohemond II of Antioch in 1126. Hodierna, the third daughter, may have been betrothed to Raymond of Tripoli already at this time. Ioveta, the youngest, was sent to a nunnery, which historian Hans E. Mayer believes was "the safest way" to ensure that her status as a porphyrogenita (born to the reigning king) would not threaten Melisende's claim.[7]

In late 1127 or, less likely, early 1128 an embassy led by the prince of Galilee, William I of Bures, and Guy I Brisebarre was sent to France to arrange a marriage for Melisende. After conferring with King Louis VI, the embassy arrived in early 1128 at the court of Count Fulk V of Anjou, who had not expected them.[7] Some historians, including Steven Runciman,[8] have concluded that Fulk was selected by Louis. Mayer asserts that Fulk was chosen by an assembly held in the Kingdom of Jerusalem before the embassy departed, citing the chronicler William of Tyre, and that the embassy only sought Louis's consent, which was necessary because Fulk was Louis's vassal.[7] On 29 May 1128 Pope Honorius II endorsed Fulk in a letter sent to Baldwin.[9] Fulk was already an experienced ruler.[10] He had been to Jerusalem on a pilgrimage in 1120 and left a good impression by personally providing for a force of 100 knights for a year.[11] His wife, Eremburga of Maine, died in late 1126,[11] and he already had grown children.[10]

While the embassy was in Europe, Baldwin started associating Melisende with him in official documents: in a charter from March 1129 she as a witness takes precedence over all the clergy, and in another she again heads the list of witnesses and is explicitly called "daughter of the king and heir of the kingdom".[12][13] Mayer initially believed that Melisende had been declared heir before the embassy was sent to France, but eventually concluded that her official recognition was a condition imposed by Fulk before he would agree to come to Jerusalem and marry her.[13] Mayer argues that Fulk saw a useful precedent in the formal recognition of Empress Matilda, who married Fulk's son Geoffrey Plantagenet in June 1128, as the heir presumptive to her father, King Henry I of England.[14]

Having relinquished the counties of Anjou and Maine to his son Geoffrey, Fulk arrived in the Kingdom of Jerusalem with the embassy in May 1129.[11] He was "short, wiry, red-haired, middle-aged", and Melisende found him unattractive. Their marriage was celebrated before 2 June "amid great festivities and rejoicing".[15] King Baldwin bestowed upon them, as Melisende's dowry, the cities of Acre and Tyre. These were the most lucrative parts of the royal domain and were to be held by the couple during the king's lifetime.[11] In the first half of 1130 Melisende gave birth to a son, Baldwin.[10] Some time between 1129 and 1131 the lord of Oultrejordain, Roman of Le Puy, led a revolt against Melisende's father. Mayer surmises that Roman refused to accept female succession. Roman failed and lost his lordship as a result.[16]

Reign

[edit]

Succession

[edit]

The prince of Antioch, whom Melisende's sister Alice had married, died in 1130. King Baldwin, father of Melisende and Alice, intervened to prevent a coup by Alice.[17] He left Count Joscelin I of Edessa in charge of the principality until a marriage could be arranged for Alice's infant daughter, Constance.[18] The king fell seriously ill after returning. In August 1131 he had himself carried to the house of the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, wishing to die near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. There he summoned Melisende, Fulk, and their infant son, and proceeded to confer the kingdom on the three of them. King Baldwin II died on 21 August. Melisende and Fulk were crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on 14 September, the Holy Cross Day. They were the first monarchs to be crowned in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.[17]

Joscelin died soon after Baldwin II, and Alice took the opportunity to again seize power in Antioch. Fulk invaded at the invitation of Antiochene barons and installed a new government in the principality.[19]

Struggle with Fulk

[edit]

Early in her queenship Melisende found herself deprived of the power she had possessed during her father's lifetime. Fulk did not associate her in any of his public acts for the first five years of the new reign.[10] Fulk deliberately attempted to remove Melisende from power,[20] which was in contravention of both their marriage contract and Baldwin II's last will.[21] Melisende's exclusion from power was not just a matter of protocol: without a role in the government she could not grant appointments and land.[22] In 1134 noblemen led by Melisende's second cousin and vassal Count Hugh II of Jaffa revolted against Fulk.[23] The reasons are not entirely clear.[24] Hamilton agrees with Mayer's conclusion that the conflict originated from Fulk's replacement of the kingdom's established nobility with newcomers from Anjou.[22] The noblemen may have expected to be protected by the queen from the king's designs if they succeeded in restoring to her the place in government her father had intended for her to have.[25] Historian Malcolm Barber argues that Melisende must have been involved in the revolt but concedes that her role is unknown.[26]

William of Tyre recorded the rumour that the queen was having an illicit relationship with the "young and very handsome" count, drawing the king's ire.[16] Hamilton and Mayer both discount the gossip. Mayer argues that William himself did not believe the rumour[27] and that a medieval queen, being constantly attended by the members of her household and the court, would have found it exceedingly difficult to have a secret lover.[28] Hamilton, on the other hand, argues that public opinion, spearheaded by the clergy, would have sided with Fulk and not, as it did, with Melisende if she had committed adultery.[22] Mayer suggests that the rumors may have been spread by Fulk to both get rid of Hugh and to have Melisende locked up in a monastery, circumventing Baldwin II's will.[20]

Hugh's stepson Walter I Grenier, lord of Caesarea, openly accused him of treason in the curia regis.[10] Mayer suggests that Walter may have been incited to make this accusation. Hugh denied the charge and was challenged to a trial by combat but did not appear. The king thus obtained a legal reason to confiscate Hugh's County of Jaffa. Fulk laid siege to Jaffa, but the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem intervened and mediated a peace: Hugh would cede Jaffa to the king and receive it back after spending three years in exile. Before he could leave for Europe Hugh was stabbed in the street by a knight.[27] After recovering he went into his exile, where he died.[29] The assassination attempt was widely suspected to have been ordered by King Fulk;[22] though Fulk's involvement was never proven, his reputation was severely damaged.[30]

Melisende was incensed by Fulk's treatment of Hugh and the slight on her honor.[22][31] Fulk's men did not dare appear in her presence. The queen directed most of her wrath at Rohard the Elder, whom she held most responsible for influencing Fulk. Fulk himself did not feel safe around his wife's supporters.[30] Mayer suggests that for this reason Fulk stayed in Antioch in 1135.[28] The court was disrupted until third parties mediated a reconciliation between the king and queen. After persistent attempts Fulk succeeded in obtaining Melisende's pardon for Rohard and his other supporters, who were then able to appear at court again.[30] From then on Fulk, in the words of William of Tyre, "did not attempt to take the initiative, even in trivial matters, without her knowledge".[22]

Co-rule with Fulk

[edit]

Family affairs

[edit]

Fulk never again issued a charter pertaining to the Kingdom of Jerusalem without Melisende's consent.[20] He did not seek Melisende's consent where he did not have to, however. He based his regency for Melisende's niece Constance of Antioch on the decision of the barons of the principality, and Melisende had no claim to it.[32] According to Barber, maintaining hostilities with Fulk was not in Melisende's interest after she was restored to power. He notes that Melisende needed to strengthen her succession, which had hitherto rested on only one son; and that she wished to influence Fulk's policies in Antioch, as her sister Alice once again seized power in the principality. In any case, Melisende did successfully intercede with Fulk not to interfere with her sister's actions. He returned from Antioch in late 1135, and the royal couple conceived another child.[26] A son, Amalric, was born in 1136.[33]

Another tangible result of the royal couple's reconciliation is the luxurious Melisende Psalter, which Fulk commissioned as a personal prayer book for Melisende around 1135.[34] The psalter, bound in ivory covers joined by embroidered silk, reflects the amalgamation of Western, Greek, and Armenian cultures in the crusader states.[35]

Melisende's intervention did not guarantee Alice's fortunes for long: she lost her regency in Antioch, this time permanently, when Raymond of Poitiers arrived to marry her still-underage daughter, Constance, in 1136.[36] The queen was also determined to make provisions for her youngest sisters, Hodierna and Ioveta, who were children when their father died. Hodierna married the count of Tripoli, Raymond II, sometime before 1138. Barber believes the union to have been arranged by Melisende in an attempt to link the ruling houses of all the crusader states. Ioveta, who had been sent to be raised in a nunnery during Baldwin II's reign, took vows as a nun in 1134.[37] Melisende believed that Ioveta was of too high birth to be a mere nun and decided that she should be made an abbess instead.[33] Barber finds it difficult to tell how much Melisende was motivated by affection in her relationships with her sisters, particularly noting that "there is no way of knowing" whether Ioveta wished to live a monastic life or if Melisende induced her to remove her as a political threat.[37]

Ecclesiastical relations

[edit]

Melisende decided to build a convent at Bethany, which was close enough to Jerusalem for her to maintain contact.[38] In February 1138 she and Fulk persuaded the patriarch and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre to cede the church at Bethany and its dependent villages so that a new religious community could be built there. The Convent of Saint Lazarus, as it came to be known, was in construction for six years. Melisende so generously endowed the convent with estates, golden and silver sacred vessels with precious stones, silks, and ecclesiastical robes that she made it richer than any other monastery or church in the kingdom.[39] Initially Melisende installed an elderly abbess. When the abbess died, Ioveta succeeded as Melisende intended, and Melisende sent further gifts, namely books, ornaments, and chalices.[35] In the construction and endowment of Bethany's convent Hamilton sees a "spectacular" example of Melisende's power of patronage.[33]

In 1338 the king and queen started associating their elder son, Baldwin, in their acts.[33] Fulk continuously worked to secure the borders of the kingdom against the Fatimids of Egypt, who launched raids from the south,[40] and against the Turkish atabeg of Mosul, Zengi, who threatened the Latins from the east.[41] These efforts continued through the late 1130s and early 1140s, with the construction of the castles of Bethgibelin, Ibelin, and Blanchegarde.[40]

Melisende, meanwhile, maintained a firm control over the Church.[42] The foundation of the Convent of Saint Lazarus was her principal monastic achievement but from the late 1130s she oversaw a further expansion of religious institutions, including the endowment of the Temple of the Lord with extensive land in Samaria[42] and several grants of land to the Holy Sepulchre.[43] Barber considers her responsible for the promotion of the Temple's prior, Geoffrey, to abbot in 1137.[42] At the same time the queen consistently supported the Syriac Orthodox Church, ensuring that they recover the property they had lost upon the Frankish conquest.[44][43] She worked to improve relations with the Armenian Church as well; its leader, the catholicos, attended a synod of the Latin Church in Jerusalem in 1140. The Greek Orthodox Monstery of Saint Sabas also received an endowment from Melisende.[43] Her lavish gifts became legendary and earned her a reputation as a devoutly religious woman, but Mayer argues that she was primarily a shrewd politician and that through her donations she was buying the Church's political support.[45]

Sole rule

[edit]

Accession

[edit]

In late 1143 the court was at Acre, enjoying a period of peace. On 7 November Melisende expressed a wish to have a picnic. While they were riding in the countryside, Fulk galloped off in pursuit of a hare. His horse stumbled and threw him off, and the heavy saddle struck him on the head. He was carried unconscious to Acre, where he died on 10 November.[46] Melisende made a public demonstration of grief and then proceeded to take full charge of the government.[47] There was no royal election because Melisende had already been consecrated and anointed in 1131.[48]

Melisende underwent a second coronation at Christmas, this time together with her son, Baldwin III, who was also consecrated and anointed on this occasion.[49] The rites were performed by the patriarch, William of Messines.[50] All power was in Melisende's hands;[47] Baldwin was 13 at the time and Melisende became his guardian.[49] The queen is commonly said to have acted as her son's regent, but neither she nor the chronicler William of Tyre saw her rule as a regency. Citing William's statement that royal power came to Melisende through hereditary right, Hamilton concludes that she was "not a regent, but the queen regnant".[47] Baldwin started issuing charters in 1144 at the latest, when he issued one without reference to Melisende; Mayer believes that Melisende soon forbade that any charters be issued in her son's name only.[51]

Consolidation

[edit]

Melisende's first action, as had been her husband's or of any contemporary ruler, was to appoint supporters to the kingdom's offices.[52] As a woman, Melisende could not command the army.[47] She appointed her first cousin Manasses of Hierges, who had recently arrived to the kingdom, to conduct military affairs in her name as constable.[52] The appointment of Manasses to the post rather than one of her subjects ensured the preservation of the royal authority.[47]

Besides Manasses, the queen's inner circle comprised the lord of Nablus, Philip of Milly; the prince of Galilee, Elinand of Tiberias; and the viscount, Rohard the Elder.[52] Philip's family had been undermined early in Fulk's reign, and Barber believes this may explain Philip's loyalty to Melisende. Elinand was the son of William of Bures, and he commanded more knights than any other lord in the kingdom. Rohard had incurred the queen's wrath in the early 1130s by supporting her husband's attempt to exclude her, but he was a key figure in the city of Jerusalem and apparently both were content to make peace. Through the support of Philip, Elinand, and Rohard, Melisende controlled Jerusalem and the regions of Samaria and Galilee, all of which contained parts of the royal domain.[42]

Church management

[edit]

Melisende received a letter of encouragement from the famed monk Bernard of Clairvaux in 1144 or 1145, but in his next letter to the queen Bernard mentioned hearing "certain evil reports" of her.[53] Barber suggests that the "evil reports" might be the claim of an anonymous Premonstratensian monk from Mountjoy, who wrote that in 1148 Melisende had poisoned Count Alfonso Jordan of Toulouse and arranged for the capture of his son and daughter by the Muslims. The monk wrote that the queen did this to ensure that Alfonso Jordan, a relative of the counts of Tripoli, would not threaten the possession of Tripoli by her brother-in-law Raymond and sister Hodierna.[54] Melisende was on good terms with the Premonstratensians, however, and Barber atttributes the monk's hostility to the "endemic misogyny of the monastic world".[53]

In filling the offices with trusted men Melisende had her eye on the chancery too.[55] She had no desire to retain Elias,[55] who had been her husband's confidant,[56] so she arranged for him to become bishop of Tiberias, a promotion he could not have refused.[55] In 1145 Melisende appointed Ralph, another newcomer, to succeed Elias as chancellor; Ralph was "almost certainly" the same man who had been chancellor to the English queen Matilda of Boulogne, Melisende's kinswoman, and thus had Melisende's trust.[42] In January 1146 the archbishop of Tyre, Fulcher of Angoulême, was elected to the patriarchate, succeeding William of Messines, who had died in September 1145.[57] Melisende insisted that Ralph be appointed to the vacated see of Tyre. Barber holds that Fulcher must have risen to the patriarchate with Melisende's support, yet he led the opposition to her choice of Ralph.[44] The conflict over the see of Tyre marked the only time Melisende was at odds with the Church.[45]

Holy war

[edit]

Immediately after his coronation Baldwin III sought to assert himself in warfare, the one field in which he had advantage over his mother, and in 1144 he quelled a revolt at Wadi Musa.[55] The queen and the constable faced their first crisis already in November, when Zengi of Mosul besieged Edessa.[58] The Edessenes appealed to the young king for help, but it was Melisende who made the decisions.[55] She called a council, and it was decided that Manasses, Philip, and Elinand should lead a relief force.[59] Mayer believes that the young king was not sent because Melisende resented his success at Wadi Musa;[55] he argues that the queen did not wish to see her son gain a reputation as a military leader lest it lead to him becoming a threat to her political leadership.[60] Barber suggests that Melisende did not send Baldwin because she thought that the gravity of the situation required experienced adults. In any case, the army did not reach Edessa in time:[59] the city fell to the Turks, who spared its Armenian and Greek population but "killed the Franks wherever they could".[58] Baldwin III came of age on his fifteenth birthday in early 1145,[49] but the occasion was not publicly celebrated.[47]

Zengi was assassinated in September 1146.[61] Count Joscelin II of Edessa attempted to retake his city, and King Baldwin invaded the Hauran, but both were defeated by Zengi's son Nur al-Din.[62] Mayer is certain that Melisende blamed Baldwin for the failure to take the Hauran, saying that it may explain how Melisende was able to reduce Baldwin's position by associating her younger son, Amalric, in a subsequent charter. The inclusion of Amalric was, in Mayer's words, "an application of the principle divide et impera", and served to increase Melisende's power at Baldwin's expense.[63]

The news of the fall of Edessa shocked Europe,[64] and Pope Eugene III began calling for the Second Crusade.[65] Kings Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany arrived to the Levant with their families and vassals, accompanied by papal legates. The leaders of Jerusalem were concerned that Louis would be diverted by Prince Raymond of Antioch, and were relieved when Raymond fell out with the king. The crusaders were met at Palmarea on 24 June 1148[66] by a Jerusalem contingent consisting of Queen Melisende, King Baldwin, Patriarch Fulcher, the archbishops and the bishops, the masters of the holy orders, and the leading noblemen; it was the most impressive gathering of dignitaries ever held in the Latin East.[67] A decision to attack Damascus had already been reached in April by Baldwin, Conrad, and Fulcher in a much smaller meeting, which Melisende apparently did not attend. The patriarch usually took her side over Baldwin's and would have advocated her opinion, but right at this time the two were at odds over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre.[66] Mayer surmises, while admitting that it cannot be known for certain, that Melisende must have been opposed to the decision to attack Damascus because Damascus was a valuable ally against Nur al-Din and because the conquest of such a great city would have earned Baldwin enough prestige to challenge her supremacy.[68]

During the ensuing siege of Damascus the crusaders were falsely advised by certain persons who had been bribed to betray them,[69] leading to a swift and humiliating defeat.[67] Mayer considered the possibility that Melisende first supported the expedition only to then engineer its failure in a bid to destroy Baldwin's military and political reputation, noting that it would have been a politically reckless game. The outcome was a major setback for Baldwin, but he was not completely crushed.[68] In 1149, after the death of Prince Raymond in another disastrous defeat of the Christians by Nur al-Din, Baldwin hastened to assume responsibility for Antioch.[70] Melisende used her son's failure at Damascus, and possibly his journey to Antioch, to further reduce his position: from 1149 she no longer issued charters jointly with him,[70] but merely allowed him to consent.[71]

Conflict with Baldwin III

[edit]

The conflict with the Church over the appointment of her chancellor, Ralph, to the see of Tyre reached its peak by 1149 and became a serious issue for Melisende as rift grew between her and Baldwin.[45] In order to retain the Church as an ally she either dismissed Ralph as her chancellor or forced him to resign.[72] She could not appoint a new chancellor without her co-ruler's consent, however, and the chancery thus collapsed.[73] Instead, mother and son relied each on their own scriptorium, which avoided an open break in their co-reign but marked an unprecedented division of royal power.[74]

The death of her trusted and most important vassal Elinand, prince of Galilee, c. 1149 was a setback for Melisende.[74] Two claimants to Galilee emerged, Simon and William, and Mayer concludes that the king supported the former while the queen supported the latter.[75] After the capture of the count of Edessa in 1150, Baldwin summoned the lords to march with him to Antioch, but those loyal to Melisende refused.[76] This was the queen's attempt to prevent Baldwin from making any military success, and specifically from fulfilling the traditional role of the kings of Jerusalem in protecting the northern crusader states.[77] Baldwin went anyway, with the small force he could muster.[78]

A rapid rise and an "insolent attitude of superiority toward the elders of the realm" caused the nobles to intensely hate Melisende's cousin and constable, Manasses, and it took Melisende nearly a decade to arrange an advantageous marriage for him. In 1150 the queen procured the hand of Helvis of Ramla, widow of her supporter Barisan of Ibelin, which angered Barisan's sons, Hugh, Baldwin, and Balian, because it led to them losing land in Ramla.[52] Melisende further consolidated her position against Baldwin in 1151 when she made her younger son, Amalric, count of Jaffa.[79]

Baldwin began to move in early 1152. He demanded that the patriarch crown him on Easter without crowning Melisende, which would signify that Baldwin would from then on be the sole ruler.[80] Patriarch Fulcher refused,[80] for the Church supported Melisende.[81] On Easter Monday Baldwin staged a solemn procession through Jerusalem, the seat of Melisende's power, wearing a laurel wreath instead of a crown.[81][1] He then summoned the High Court and requested a division of the kingdom between him and his mother.[1] For Hamilton, this request was "criminally irresponsible" because the kingdom was too small to survive a division;[1] yet Mayer argues that Melisende had de facto divided the kingdom over the previous two years.[82] At the meeting Melisende argued that the entire kingdom belonged to her by hereditary right, implying that Baldwin was the one usurping her right, but agreed to the division.[82] The queen retained the regions of Judaea and Samaria while Baldwin held Acre and Tyre.[1][82]

The division of the kingdom was short-lived.[1][82] Baldwin declared that the land he had been allocated was insufficient to financially support him as king. Realizing her son's intentions, Melisende moved from the unfortified town of Nablus to Jerusalem. Baldwin defeated Manasses at Mirabel and exiled him, then swiftly occupied Nablus, and moved with his force onto Jerusalem. Some of the lords in Melisende's portion deserted her; those who remained absolutely loyal included her son Amalric, Philip of Milly, and Rohard the Elder. Upon hearing of her elder son's advance, Melisende retired with her household and followers to the citadel in the Tower of David. Patriarch Fulcher at this point declared the Church's full support of the queen. He went out of the city with his clergy to admonish the king, only to return angrily after Baldwin rebuffed him.[83] The king set up camp outside the city, after which the citizens opened the gates to him.

Mother and son

[edit]

Melisende's relationship with her son was complex. As a mother she would know her son and his capabilities, and she is known to have been particularly close to her children. As a ruler she may have been reluctant to entrust decision-making powers to an untried youth. Either way, there was no political or social pressure to grant Baldwin any authority before 1152, even though Baldwin reached majority in 1145. Baldwin III and Melisende were jointly crowned as co-rulers on Christmas Day, 1143. This joint crowning was similar to Melisende's own crowning with her father in 1128, and may have reflected a growing trend to crown one's heir in the present monarch's lifetime, as demonstrated in other realms of this period.

Baldwin grew up to be a capable, if not brilliant, military commander. By age 22, Baldwin felt he could take some responsibility in governance. Melisende had hitherto only partially associated Baldwin in her rule. Tension between mother and son mounted between 1150 and 1152, with Baldwin blaming Manasses for alienating his mother from him. In early 1152, the crisis reached a boiling point when Baldwin demanded that the patriarch Fulcher crown him in the Holy Sepulchre, without Melisende present. The Patriarch refused. Baldwin, in protest, staged a procession in the city streets wearing laurel wreaths, a kind of self-crowning.

Baldwin and Melisende agreed to put the decision to the Haute Cour. The Haute Cour decided that Baldwin would rule the north of the kingdom and Melisende the richer Judea and Samaria, and Jerusalem itself. Melisende acquiesced, though with misgivings. This decision prevented a civil war but also divided the kingdom's resources. Though later historians criticized Melisende for not abdicating in favor of her son, there was little impetus for her to do so. She was universally recognized as an exceptional steward for her kingdom, and her rule had been characterized as a wise one by church leaders and other contemporaries. Baldwin had not shown any interest in governance prior to 1152, and had resisted responsibility in this arena. The Church clearly supported Melisende, as did the barons of Judea and Samaria.

Despite putting the matter before the Haute Cour, Baldwin was not happy with the partition any more than Melisende. Instead of reaching further compromise, within weeks of the decision he launched an invasion of his mother's realms. Baldwin showed that he was Fulk's son by quickly taking the field. Nablus and Jerusalem fell swiftly. Melisende with her younger son Amalric and others sought refuge in the Tower of David. Church mediation between mother and son resulted in the grant of the city of Nablus and adjacent lands to Melisende to rule for life, and a solemn oath by Baldwin III not to disturb her peace. This peace settlement demonstrated that though Melisende lost the "civil war" to her son, she still maintained great influence and avoided total obscurity in a convent.

Retirement

[edit]

By 1153, mother and son were reconciled. Since the civil war, Baldwin had shown his mother great respect. Melisende's connections, especially to her sister Hodierna, and to her niece Constance of Antioch, meant that she had direct influence in northern Syria, a priceless connection since Baldwin had himself broken the treaty with Damascus in 1147.

As Baldwin III was often on military campaigns, he realized he had few reliable advisers. From 1154 onwards, Melisende is again associated with her son in many of his official public acts. In 1156, she concluded a treaty with the merchants of Pisa. In 1157, with Baldwin on campaign in Antioch, Melisende saw an opportunity to take el-Hablis,[dubious – discuss][citation needed] which controlled the lands of Gilead beyond the Jordan.

Also in 1157, on the death of patriarch Fulcher, Melisende, her sister Ioveta the Abbess of Bethany, and Sibylla of Flanders had Amalric of Nesle appointed as patriarch of Jerusalem. Additionally, Melisende was witness to her son Amalric's marriage to Agnes of Courtenay in 1157. In 1160, she gave her assent to a grant made by her son Amalric to the Holy Sepulchre, perhaps on the occasion of the birth of her granddaughter Sibylla to Agnes and Amalric.

Death

[edit]
Main article: Abbey of St. Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat
The chapel of Saints Joachim and Anne, originally the tomb of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem

In 1161, Melisende fell ill. She likely had a stroke. Suffering from severe memory impairment, she could no longer participate in government. Her surviving sisters – the countess of Tripoli and abbess of Bethany – came to nurse her before she died on 11 September 1161. Melisende was buried next to her mother, Morphia, in the shrine at the Abbey of St. Mary of the Valley of Jehosaphat. Melisende, like her mother, bequeathed the property to the laura (Orthodox monastery) of Mar Saba in Jerusalem.

William of Tyre, writing on Melisende's 30-year reign, wrote that "she was a very wise woman, fully experienced in almost all affairs of state business, who completely triumphed over the handicap of her sex so that she could take charge of important affairs", and that, "striving to emulate the glory of the best princes, Melisende ruled the kingdom with such ability that she was rightly considered to have equalled her predecessors in that regard".

Professor Bernard Hamilton of the University of Nottingham has written that, while William of Tyre's comments may seem rather patronizing to modern readers, they amount to a great show of respect from a society and culture in which women were regarded as having fewer rights and less authority than their brothers, their fathers or even their sons.

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i Hamilton 1978, p. 147.
  2. ^ Gerish 2006, p. 814.
  3. ^ Hamilton 1978, pp. 147–8.
  4. ^ Barber 2012, p. 2.
  5. ^ Hamilton 1978, p. 143.
  6. ^ a b Mayer 1985, p. 139.
  7. ^ a b c Mayer 1985, p. 140.
  8. ^ Runciman 1952, p. 177.
  9. ^ Mayer 1985, p. 143.
  10. ^ a b c d e Hamilton 1978, p. 149.
  11. ^ a b c d Mayer 1985, p. 141.
  12. ^ Hamilton 1978, p. 148-9.
  13. ^ a b Mayer 1985, p. 144.
  14. ^ Mayer 1985, p. 146.
  15. ^ Runciman 1952, p. 178.
  16. ^ a b Mayer 1989, p. 2.
  17. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 149.
  18. ^ Barber 2012, p. 152.
  19. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 152–153.
  20. ^ a b c Mayer 1972, p. 110.
  21. ^ Mayer 1989, p. 1.
  22. ^ a b c d e f Hamilton 1978, p. 150.
  23. ^ Hamilton 1978, pp. 149–150.
  24. ^ Mayer 1989, pp. 1–2.
  25. ^ Mayer 1989, p. 4.
  26. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 156.
  27. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 102.
  28. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 107.
  29. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 102–103.
  30. ^ a b c Mayer 1972, p. 103.
  31. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 109.
  32. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 109–110.
  33. ^ a b c d Hamilton 1978, p. 151. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEHamilton1978151" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  34. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 160–161.
  35. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 160.
  36. ^ Barber 2012, p. 167.
  37. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 157.
  38. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 157–158.
  39. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 158–160.
  40. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 162.
  41. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 163–164.
  42. ^ a b c d e Barber 2012, p. 177.
  43. ^ a b c Runciman 1952, p. 232.
  44. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 178.
  45. ^ a b c Mayer 1972, p. 131.
  46. ^ Runciman 1952, p. 233.
  47. ^ a b c d e f Hamilton 1978, pp. 152. Cite error: The named reference "FOOTNOTEHamilton1978152" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  48. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 113.
  49. ^ a b c Mayer 1972, p. 114.
  50. ^ Barber 2012, p. 174.
  51. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 115.
  52. ^ a b c d Barber 2012, p. 176.
  53. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 175.
  54. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 175–176.
  55. ^ a b c d e f Mayer 1972, p. 117.
  56. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 116.
  57. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 126.
  58. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 179.
  59. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 180.
  60. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 118.
  61. ^ Barber 2012, p. 182.
  62. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 182–184.
  63. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 124.
  64. ^ Barber 2012, p. 184.
  65. ^ Barber 2012, pp. 184–185.
  66. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 127.
  67. ^ a b Barber 2012, p. 188.
  68. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 128.
  69. ^ Barber 2012, p. 189.
  70. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 129.
  71. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 130.
  72. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 131–132.
  73. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 135–136.
  74. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 136.
  75. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 137–138.
  76. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 148.
  77. ^ Mayer 1972, pp. 148–149.
  78. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 149.
  79. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 162.
  80. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 164.
  81. ^ a b Mayer 1972, p. 165.
  82. ^ a b c d Mayer 1972, p. 166.
  83. ^ Mayer 1972, p. 168.

Sources

[edit]
  • Bernard Hamilton (1978). Baker, Derek (ed.). "Women in the Crusader States: the Queens of Jerusalem". Medieval Women. Oxford: The Ecclesiastical Historical Society: 143–174. ISBN 0-631-12539-6.
  • Hodgson, Natasha R. (2007). Women, Crusading and the Holy Land in Historical Narrative. Woodbridge, Suffolk, England: Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1-84383-332-1.
  • Mayer, Hans E. (1974). Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 26.
  • Gaudette, Helen A. (2010), "The Spending Power of a Crusader Queen: Melisende of Jerusalem", in Theresa Earenfight (ed.), Women and Wealth in Late Medieval Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 135–148
  • Gerish, Deborah (2006), "Holy War, Royal Wives, and Equivocation in Twelfth-Century Jerusalem", in Naill Christie and Maya Yazigis (ed.), Noble Ideals and Bloody Realities, Leiden, J. Brill, pp. 119–144
  • Gerish, Deborah (2012), "Royal Daughters of Jerusalem and the Demands of Holy War", Leidschrift Historisch Tijdschrift, vol. 27, no 3, pp. 89–112
  • Gerish, Deborah (2006). Murray, Alan V. (ed.). The Crusades: An Encyclopedia. Vol. 4. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1576078620.
  • Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1985). "The Succession to Baldwin II of Jerusalem: English Impact on the East". Dumbarton Oak Papers. Dumbarton Oaks.
  • Mayer, Hans Eberhard (1989). "Angevins versus Normans: The New Men of King Fulk of Jerusalem". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 133 (1). University of Pennsylvania Press: 1–25.
  • Barber, Malcolm (2012). The Crusader States. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300189315.
  • Runciman, Steven (1952). A History of the Crusades: The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Frankish East, 1100-1187. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0241298768.
[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Melisende of Jerusalem.
Regnal titles
Preceded by Queen of Jerusalem
1131–1153
with Fulk (1131–1143)
Baldwin III (1143–1153)) 		Succeeded by
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Melisende,_Queen_of_Jerusalem&oldid=1258225806"